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India-Sweden Ties: Forging a Cohesive Partnership
This policy brief by Jagannath Panda, Niklas Swanström, and Mahima Duggal delves into how to advance the India-Sweden partnership further. They write that looking forward, while collaborations in sustainability, innovation, and defense have grown; deeper engagement in areas like digital transformation, healthcare innovation, and advanced manufacturing could unlock new opportunities for India and Sweden. They further argue that the trade volumes between the two countries, though increasing, still do not reflect the full potential of both economies. Greater investment and technology transfer, particularly in green hydrogen and renewable energy storage, could amplify outcomes. Furthermore, stronger people-to-people connections, academic exchanges, and cultural partnerships can enhance mutual understanding, writes Panda, Swanström and Duggal. This policy brief is a part of the Stockholm Center for South Asian and Indo-Pacific Affairs collaborative project titled "India-Sweden Ties as a Gateway to India-Nordic Engagement" with the Embassy of India in Sweden. Please download and read the policy brief here.
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The Future of Korean Research from a Nordic Perspective
ISDP’s Korea Center had the pleasure of welcoming recently five young professionals from different Nordic nations with diverse professional backgrounds. During the Next Generation training program, the participants attended a three-day training session in Stockholm, where they received lectures from leading academics and policy analysts from the Nordics, Europe, and South Korea. Following the three-day training session, each participant was allocated a senior mentor with relevant experience in the participant’s field of research. The participants, with the support of their respective mentors, submitted policy papers reflecting their personal perspectives on the future of South Korean and/or North Korean cooperation with the Nordics and Western organizations such as the EU and NATO across numerous policy sectors, as well as concrete policy recommendations. This booklet is thus a compilation of the participants’ research and the culmination of the Next Generation Training Program. Read this special paper edited by Josephine Ørgaard Rasmussen here.
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The application period for our fall 2025 internships is now open!
Are you looking for work experience in the field of international security and development? Do you have a particular interest in Asia? Now is the time to apply for our fall 2025 internships: Every semester, ISDP runs an internship program that is open to university students and recent graduates. The internship lasts between 4-6 months at the main office in Stockholm and the desired start date for the fall semester is from September. Please note that ISDP’s internships are full-time (40 hours per week) and unpaid. Specifically, we are looking for interns for our Korea Center, Center for South Asian and Indo-Pacific Affairs, and Taiwan Center, supervised by the respective Head of Center. We are also looking for an intern to work with the Asia Program more broadly, supervised by ISDP’s Executive Director. We look forward to receiving your application no later than April 21, 2025.
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What I Heard In Munich: Goodbye America – Hello Europe!
A few weeks ago, on February 13-16 2025, the Chair of the ISDP Board Dr. Anna Wieslander, once again participated in the Munich Security Conference (MSC). She writes that in the past weeks, European states have had intense discussions on how to stand more on their own feet in defense and the need to do it quickly. If it is goodbye America, it might also be hello United States of Europe. Put differently, the much-debated European pillar in NATO could ultimately become a NATO pillar in the European Union, with countries outside of the EU such as the UK, Canada, Norway, and even Turkey connecting to European defense structures. Her reflections from those turbulent days and discussions at the Bayerischer Hof Hotel in Munich are here.
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Sweden and China: The Use of History and Mismatched Expectations
Sweden was not the first country in the West that recognized the People’s Republic of China, but it became the first in the West to establish formal diplomatic relations in 1950 because China picked it ahead of others to do so. This history has since been mutually emphasized on both sides, for different reasons. This paper by Agust Börjesson examines the history of how Sweden established diplomatic relations with the PRC, outlining the historical context in which diplomatic relations were established and what it meant for the two countries at the time. The paper further examines how the history of diplomatic relations has been used by the two countries and the evolution of their mutual (mis) perceptions. Read and download this Asia paper here.
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‘First Tier’: China’s Strategic Community on India-U.S. Ties
B. R. Deepak writes on China's strategic perception of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recently concluded visit to the United States. He writes that China’s strategic community has deemed the visit a “First Tier” (第一梯队) event among foreign leaders’ visits to the U.S. India’s presence alongside U.S. allies like Israel and Japan in the “first tier” sends significant signals regarding strategic priorities, defense partnerships, and Indo-Pacific focus, according to an article in Liberation Daily featuring perspectives from scholars like Zhang Jiadong, Hu Shisheng, and Lin Minwang. Prof. Zhang opines that Modi’s U.S. visit “highlights the U.S. prioritization of its alliance and partnership framework under 'Trump 2.0,' with India surpassing Europe in importance, writes Deepak. Read this piece here.
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PRC Mining in Tibet – a European Perspective
Zsuzsa Anna Ferenczy writes that given the enormous geostrategic and environmental importance of the Tibetan Plateau, what the People’s Republic of China (PRC) does with Tibet’s waters and its minerals does not concern the PRC only. It concerns the entire Himalayan region and their people, their security, and ecological interests. Beyond the region, Ferenczy argues, China’s role in the global race for critical raw materials (CRM) cannot be overstated. It is already leading in the race and needs Tibet’s rich resources to keep its lead. Going forward, Beijing is likely to expand mining activities on the Plateau, displacing and disempowering Tibetans, with far-reaching regional and global implications. In contrast with the PRC, the European Union (EU) is just catching up in the CRM race. Due to its internal fragmentation, the EU has failed to raise its concerns regarding PRC policies in Tibet, including its violations of human rights standards, writes Ferenczy. To understand the implications of PRC mining operations, it is important to assess these through the lens of China’s role in the race for CRM. It is also imperative to address China’s narrative-shaping efforts concerning Tibet and its mining activities versus the reality on the ground, writes Zsuzsa Anna Ferenczy. Download and read this issue brief here.
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Fostering Order In The Indo-Pacific: What the EU Can Learn From and Do With Australia, India, Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam
Order in the Indo-Pacific is characterized by forces that simultaneously sustain, strengthen, erode, expand, and reform it. The predominant force is the reemergence of Asia at large as an economic, (geo)political, and technological force, particularly China, India, ASEAN, and actors in the Islamic world. As power balances shift in favor of Asia, and in particular China, the Indo-Pacific is in an ordering dynamic in which new institutions are founded, rules and principles such as sovereignty and non-interference are simultaneously violated and emphasized, and new principles and norms regarding cooperation and security are promoted. Amidst this backdrop, the interpretation of order fostering in the Indo-Pacific is critical. This Special Report is a research outcome of a year-long study sponsored by Mercator Stiftung on five powers- Australia, India, Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam- in the Indo-Pacific to examine how the EU must look at the region. In other words, this report answers three questions in particular: 1) What are the five powers’ interpretations of and preferences for order in the Indo-Pacific? 2) What are these five powers’ views on EU (members) strategies and their preferences for the EU to support order in the Indo-Pacific? 3) Why and how can the EU best position its policies more closely to those of the five powers? Read and download this special paper authored by Richard Ghiasy, Julie Yu-Wen Chen, and Jagannath Panda.
Latest Publications
India-Sweden Ties: Forging a Cohesive Partnership
From areas like human rights and political differences to climate and sustainability, both countries often differ on certain points, sometimes causing friction in their bilateral relations. Most prominently, India and […]
Sweden and China: The Use of History and Mismatched Expectations
Sweden was not the first country in the West that recognized the People’s Republic of China, but it became the first in the West to establish formal diplomatic relations in […]
Fostering Order In The Indo-Pacific: What the EU Can Learn From and Do With Australia, India, Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam
Executive Summary One of the most critical challenges of this century is fostering order in the Indo-Pacific. (Dis)order in this space will significantly affect the international order. Not only […]